Wednesday, 10 October 2012


The Socio-Economic Caste Census 2011


The initiative by the Ministry of Rural Development and the Government of India to collect data on the caste groups in India was a highly debated and criticised development issue in the recent years. It was widely seen as an organized effort to categorize and stratify the social universe of the country and to crystallize the imagined communities of the different castes. While the government hopes to collect reliable and timely data through this mammoth exercise, doubts remain regarding its feasibility and effectiveness. In this regard we wish to discuss the following aspects of the socio-economic caste census:

1History of Caste Census
2Rationale for the Socio-Economic Caste Census
3. Process of Enumeration
4. Response of Different Caste Groups and communities
5. Implications of the Socio-Economic Caste Census



HISTORY
 OF CASTE CENSUS
Post by Vishwajeet Mamadge
CE11B075

INTRODUCTION:
                At some point in its history every civilization on earth has embarked upon the idea of classification of its people. There has been much debate going on regarding the need for this classification, nonetheless this classification exists. The reasons might be varying from sheer need of gaining knowledge about the various people that live in the civilization, to the administrative issues of land revenue and taxation. Various civilizations have used various criteria to categorize people ethnicity, race, tribe etc. However in the Indian context caste seems to be the most appropriate of the criteria.
Caste along with religion is one of the most important identities of Indians. But in the Indian censuses caste has not been given appropriate treatment in demographic literature. It is generally believed that caste is a status based on social origin in the Hindu society. Generally what is assumed is that the caste structure ranges from Brahmins (priestly castes) at the top, followed by Kshatriya (warrior castes), Vaishyas (trading castes) to Shudras (laboring castes) at the bottom of the social ladder. However, in reality, within each of the Varna category there existed numerous castes and sub-castes whose names were not same in the different parts of India .The position of these various castes and sub castes in social hierarchy was also not clear.

CENSUS IN PRE-INDEPENDENT INDIA:
                In the pre-British era too census enumeration existed. In earlier times it was particularly practiced by the Mauryas and the Moguls. But the fact still remains that the earlier enumerations were done basically to decide on issues of land revenue and taxation. Another striking feature is that these censuses were geographically very much limited. In contrast to this, the colonial census was interested in anthropological knowledge and was carried out covering most parts of the country.

(A) CENSUS OF 1872:
                In 1856 the British Government decided to hold census in 1861 in India. But the census could not be held due to mutiny in 1857. In 1865, the Government of India and the Home Government again agreed that a general population census would be taken in 1871. But, the years 1867-72 were actually spent in census taking. This series of census is in fact known as the Census of 1872. This census was neither a synchronous census nor covered the entire territory controlled by the British.
                From its very first census of 1872, the colonial Government decided to incorporate caste and religious categories in the census enumeration of the Indian population. Along with category of caste, the census also included the categories of tribe and race, but the distinction between them was not very clear. From the census side, no attempt had been made to define caste, race or tribe. From the remarks made by E.A. Gait and J. H. Hutton, the Census Commissioners of 1911 and 1931 respectively it is evident that caste had been a dynamic and mobile category of Indian society. As each caste further contained an endless number of sub-castes, their boundaries were very internal and were liable to change over time and space. It is for this reason that scholars have observed that caste boundaries remained fluid, fuzzy and dynamic historically in Indian society.
           
(B) EFFECTS OF 1872 CASTE CENSUS:
            (i) Anchored the idea of caste in space and time: The census carried out during British India not only updated the population figures, but also gave these castes specific names/labels and ranks. This census tried to standardize and anchor castes in time and space. This led to classification of castes as superior, intermediate, trading, pastoral, and so on (Memorandum on the Census of British India 1871-72, page 21, available on the website of La Trobe University). This legitimized certain caste notions of superiority and inferiority by the state itself.
                (ii) Claim by certain castes that they descended from higher castes: Many people thought that the objective of the census was to fix the relative social positions of the different social classes and also to deal with questions of social superiority. Hence, castes in order to raise their social status many lower caste people placed themselves in higher. Thus, the census indirectly provided the underprivileged with an opportunity to express their aspiration and to acquire a new identity, if possible, during the enumeration. This in turn resulted in several caste associations adopting honorific caste names and claiming descent from higher castes like Brahmin and Rajputs etc.
                (iii) Changes in names of certain castes: There was widespread resentment over the fact that a number of castes were entered and grouped in the census in a manner in which they were not content. For example in Bengal, Chandala was traditionally used as a generic term to identify all the low caste people. However, the census officials entered this name as a caste in the census. The people who were numerated as Chandala  protested and changed their name to the respectable name of Namasudra.
(iv) Creation of new castes:  We also find that census helped to create new castes such as ‘Yadava’ and Vishwakarma or Jangida by merging the diverse castes spread over different geographical areas but with a common occupation.

(C)CENSUSES AFTER 1872:
In addition to the identification and enumeration of caste, the people under the British rule were also grouped into broad homogeneous and mutually exclusive categories. While grouping the castes, census officials kept in mind the ritual hierarchy in terms of the Varna system, in determining caste status in social hierarchy. In the 1881 census, the Census Commissioner, W.C. Plowden decided to group the various castes into the five categories, namely Brahmans, Castes of Good Social Position, Rajputs, Inferior Castes and Non-Hindus or Aboriginal Castes. The census carried out in 1921 made an attempt to identify the depressed classes. However, the term of depressed classes was found not to be favorable and in the 1931 census was replaced by the term exterior castes. Here it is important to note that such categorization in the census was followed by the Scheduled Caste Order of 1936 that officially recognized the listing of castes in every province of India.

CENSUS IN INDEPENDENT INDIA:
In independent India, under the provision of article 341 of the Indian Constitution, Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Scheduled Tribes (STs) were accepted as new official social categories. According to this article, after consultation with the Governor of a State/Union Territory (UT), the President of India may declare castes, races or tribes or parts of or groups within castes, races of tribes as Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes belonging to that State or UT. The official listing of castes and tribes was justified on the grounds that these social groups have remained underprivileged and discriminated by the higher castes. Hence, it was imperative for the state to protect their interest which in turn required a clear idea of the population of each group. Accordingly, the Govt. of India as well State Governments granted them reservation of jobs and other benefits and privileges. One alarming fact is that it is believed that the state granting privileges to the SCs and STs has strengthened caste identities.
In order to assess the progress and achievement of Government policies in raising the socio-economic status of SCs and STs, it was essential to collect data on the demographic and socio-economic conditions of these categories. The census was thought to be the most appropriate method to do so. But the Govt. did not allow the census to enumerate all castes and sub-castes as practiced in British India. One of the reasons could be that the Government was afraid of the resurgence of more than 4000 caste and sub-caste identities, which could demolish the secular and democratic foundation of independent India. Keeping this in mind the Government of India has ceased the enumeration of caste since the 1951 census with the only exception of the enumeration of scheduled castes and scheduled tribes.

Before the 2001 Census began, there was an argument to include enumeration of all castes in the census. This was observed to be necessary to reserve jobs granted to the Other Backward Classes (OBCs).  In the early 1990s the Mandal Commision, further suggested monitoring the progress of OBCs after 20 years. As a result, census information on OBCs similar to that of the SCs and STs was also required. But, this argument was not favored by the Central Government and the proposal to enumerate all castes was turned down by the Ministry of Home Affairs, which controls the census organization.
Thus, we find that in independent India we have eight broad categories of ethnic classification, namely: Hindus, Muslims, Christians, Sikhs, Jains, Buddhists, SCs and STs. As can be clearly seen this is obtained by combining religions and the two social categories of SC and ST. According to the census, an individual who does not fall in any of the eight categories has an opportunity to be enumerated in the category called ‘Other’. Overall, it can be seen that modern India has always proposed the creation of broader and more homogeneous communities in contrast to the British who mainly focused on revealing enormous differentiations and differences.

References:
(1) Memorandum on the Census of British India 1871-72
(2) Srivastava 1972
(3) Ramaiah 1992
(4) Bandyopdhyay 1992
(5) Kaviraj 1993
(6) Das 1994
(7) Krishnakumar 2000
(8) Dirk 2001
(9) Randeria 2001
(10) Bhagat 2001
(11) Guha 2003


RATIONALE FOR THE SOCIO-ECONOMIC CASTE CENSUS
Post By Raisa Sherif 
 HS09H028

     Welfare state is the goal of every developing country. Promoting equity, therefore, places itself in the agenda of every government. India had been a laden with stark inequalities over the decades and it still remains a challenge before every policy maker. The government has set in place several affirmative actions and policies based on caste and has drafted programmes that are directly oriented to the rural areas to bridge the glaring differences among its citizens.
     Measuring the success of such government programmes is essential to determine whether they should be continued, altered or withdrawn. Data collection and analysis in itself is a huge challenge in the country, owing to the huge population. But our census has shown success to a great degree in overcoming this hindrance. But Census, as it had been practiced over the years does not include tools to collect all relevant information. It turned a blind eye towards several factors that affect the national socio-political environment and failed to trace the socio economic trajectory that the population of the nation underwent during the last six decades and more.
     While there is wide agreement throughout the nation that it is the duty of the state to eliminate poverty and inequalities, the critics fail to understand the need for adequate data to substantiate the government programmes aimed at the same. Lack of information, information being the most important factor of decision making, reduces the performance of any policy drastically. Due to this timely alterations of policies and interventions elude the government hands. Currently, the government uses the caste data from the 1931 Census to ascertain the coverage of the various positive discrimination programmes. This leads to a situation where the entire government approach towards the different castes is heavily based on unreliable and outdated data. This has led to increasing instances of same castes treated differently under different programmes over the years.
     Sixty five years after independence has seen several efforts from the government to eliminate caste form the Indian society. Yet little progress has been made in this regard. Pretending to ignore its presence is no way to eliminate it. What is required is accepting caste as any other social variable and addressing it to analyse the shifts in the socio-demographic contours of the nation. P.K Misra’s opinion rightly captures the essence of the entire argument for caste census as put forward by the government, ‘76 years of non-enumeration of caste in the Census has done little to eliminate it.’ Madhavi Bhasin also opines, “... caste as a social reality in India draws succour from multiple sources which will remain untouched by either the proposed census or the resultant official policies”. She cites the examples of the matrimonial advertisements, the Indian army still being organized as Jhat, Dogra, Sikh and Rajput Regiments etc to illustrate that caste is all pervasive in the society irrespective of the efforts of the government. Therefore understanding the social hierarchy of caste and the relative strengths and weaknesses of every group is essential in ensuring the distribution of benefits in the economy which are aimed at promoting equality.
     The first official recommendation for a Caste-wise enumeration was put forward by the Kalekkar Commission of 1955, which proposed that caste should be a criterion for assessing backwardness. The Mandal Commission report which was presented in the 1980 required a caste based Census to be undertaken so as to effectively implement its recommendations.
     Present day caste has more of a political role than a socio-cultural role. In the absence of an alternative source to reliable data, the central as well as the states governments were forced to heed the opinion of the different caste leaders as well as consider the statistics given by them in drafting policies. The proposed socio-economic caste census addresses this issue and is the greatest rationale for its implementation. The new Census would bring to light the dominant caste groups that holds the reins of power and aids in eliminating this concentration of power. It would also reveal the factors that lead to the exclusion of the deserving from benefiting from the government programmes.
     The existing system of enumeration is modified in order to meet the challenges posed by the proposed system. The number of enumerators had been increased and the training intensified. The use of electronic handheld device (a tablet PC) to directly enter the data is a drastic technological advancement in the field of enumeration. Earlier data collection methods were characterised by no public verification of the collected data, where as the new system offers options for verification at different stages as well as introduce greater transparency. At the same time, electronic data entry prevents interference as well as tampering with the collected data. Paperless exercise increases efficiency; increased accuracy and there is no possibility of interpolation and falsification of data.[1]
In addition to the above, the new method of enumeration also changes the nature of data that is collected through the entire exercise. For example, over the years the Planning Commission of India had analyzed the census data and had estimated “how much” of poverty is prevalent in the country. The process of identifying the population below poverty line using the thirteen socio economic indicators suffered from several inclusion and exclusion errors. The socio-economic caste census collects information on “who” the people below the poverty line are. This data would be more convenient to be put to use in decision making and identifying the targets of public policies. The new system offers a detailed guide to the enumerators and has included a much needed revamp of the enumeration process which would result in rich data.
     The non-availability of data for public as well as private use was the problem of the earlier system of enumeration. The present system seeks to address this as well. According to the Government Report, the newly collected data would be compatible with AADHAR and NPR. This data would be made available for the different ministries, private and non government organizations and private individuals. This would promote transparency. This availability of data facilitates the research and analysis in the social sphere of caste.
     The SCs, STs and OBCs are recognized by the government of India through its laws and policies. All the modern governments undertake measures to identify and estimate the demographics of the social groups that have been recognized by them. By the sheer virtue of recognizing these social groups, it is mandated that the government of India should maintain an updated database about them.
Advocates of Caste Census and the supporters of the government claim that the policy had been delayed due to political interferences and been long overdue. The criticisms raised in this regard are not trivial. Since the idea of caste is highly subjective and a result of an amalgamation of different socio-economic factors he entire process of enumeration is a major challenge. So are classification, analysis and interpretation of the data. Though the government is sure about the collected data having an impact on the public policy, the exact manner in which how it gets transferred to policy is still problematic. Also caste being a politically charged topic is sure to invite an unconstructive response from all walks of the civil society.
     Modern Democracies are bound to be egalitarian and requiring a citizen to identify himself or herself with his/her caste is a huge blow to this egalitarianism. The question therefore arises, does this system perpetuates the evil that it aims at eradicating. As a result, it has now become the huge responsibility of the government to prove over the coming years that the entire exercise was worth the effort in ensuring equity of access to welfare measures to the deserving as well as attaining the long term goal of eliminating altogether, the caste set up from the country’s socio economic demographics and mindsets.

Works Cited

Choudhury, C. (2011, July). A Debate Over India's First Caste Census. Retrieved from http://www.bloomberg.com/news/2011-07-05/a-debate-over-india-s-first-caste-census-world-view.html
Deshpande, S., & Sundar, N. (1998). Caste and the Census: Implications for Society and Social Sciences. Economic and Political Weekly.
Ministry of Rural Development. (2011, July 25). Socio Economic and Caste Census 2011 in Rural India. Government of India.
Misra, P. K. (June 2007). Backward Caste Census: an Outmoded Idea. Economi and Political Weekly, 2245-2247.
Pinto, A. (1998). Should Caste be Included in the Census. Economic and Political Weekly.
Shah, A. M. (1998). Can the Caste Census be Reliable? Economic and Political Weekly.
Yadav, Y. (2010, May 14). Why Caste Should be Counted In. The Hindu. India.



[1] Socio Economic and Caste Census 2011 in Rural India, Ministry of Rural Development, Government of India


Enumeration feasibility of caste census
Post by Prashant Gavit
ME11B115
The Government of India  decided to conduct first the Caste Census in the year 2011-12. The Caste Census  performed by the respective State/Union Territory. government of India provided them financial help for SECC.   SECC started on june of 2011 and still going on . This is the first time that such a program is started in the country.
There are three types of enumeration
·         Pre Enumeration
·         Enumeration Phase
·         Post Enumeration
Pre enumeration:



 Enumerators are basic workers for SECC.An enumerator works at the lowest level in caste census 2011 they went to each household and collected data for census, each enumerator gets a enumeration blog (EB), for his enumeration. Each enumeration block consist of 100-125 households with a population of 650-700 persons . The enumeration blocks carved out during the population enumeration phase of Census 2011  used for the Caste Census. During Census 2011, every enumeration block noted down in a Charge Register. This Register has information of the Towns and Villages, the enumeration blocks carved out in each of these Towns and Villages. A copy of the Charge Register was available with the SECC Charge Officer. That was used in Caste Census 2011. The list of households with the name of the head of household, present in a particular enumeration block during the Census 2011, called the Abridged House list .enumerator gets copy of AHL. each enumerator updates the AHL.  in case large changes were noted, the supervisory officers  are expected to personally check such enumeration block and ensure that the variations are genuine. In every Census , teachers generally worked as enumerators. For the SECC, enumerators were appointed from a larger pool of Government Officials as a enumerator. For training of enumerators a three tier cascade of training  is provided by government. At the National level, a group of trainers  intensively trained, called as NT. These NTs trained a group of trainers at the State level, called as Master Trainer Facilitators (MTFs). The MTFs trained trainers at the District  level called Master Trainers (MTs). The MTs trained the enumerators and supervisors at the Tehsil/Ward level. there were supervisors , who supervise enumerators. A list of all the names and codes gets  loaded in the hand-held device of the enumerator before she/ he goes for the field-work for that enumeration block. After asking questions, the householder was given a pre-printed slip with signature of the enumerator and data entry operator as a token of their visit.
Enumeration: Same area (blocks) as used for the Census 2011 were used for the SECC . The basic and important thing for enumeration  is the enumeration block containing 125 to 150 household with population 650 to 700 people . In SECC government used Respondent based canvasser method. In other words, enumerator goes to every household and asks questions, the responses of the person are noted down without any verification. No proof or document is asked from answering person in SECC. Acknowledgement slips were given by enumerator to each household immediately after enumeration in that household is over.   Separate questionnaires for rural and urban areas had been developed in SECC. The question on Religion and Caste are also part of these questionnaires. That important data like household number, household persons name get loaded on to hand held devices.   Data entry was done on a hand-held enumeration device (tablet PC) in English. (a photo of tablet pc used in SECC 2011 is given below)


 After all simplification, it showed in – English and Local Language. The  hardware(t ablet pc) was produced by the Ministry of Rural Development through the Public Sector Undertaking M/s Bharat Electronics Limited (BEL). The  software for tablet pc was developed by BEL. The data entry operators required for handling the hand held device was provided by BEL. The Collectors/DMs conducts the survey in their respective working area. They use the services of Tehsildars/BDOs at the sub-district level and the revenue /development machinery below them.   The data gets collected by enumerators who had to be appointed at the local level.  teachers could not be utilized for this survey due to  the Right of Education Act, so enumerators provided from among the revenue/development/health functionaries. Therefore, patwaries, panchyat secretaries, ASHA workers, anganwadi workers, municipal workers and postal workers  appointed for this purpose. The total enumeration process gets 5 week day period. Enumerators got  1 day for 15 to 20 house.




 District Administration finalizes work assignment for enumerator and supervisors.Supervisors and enumerators  familiar with the local context, language and dialect but are not belong from the same block as the survey block.  Each team (one enumerator and one supervisor) gets – (a) one “hand-held enumeration device” (tablet PC) with preloaded questionss along with name of Head of Household; (b) instruction manual for supervisor; (c) instruction manual for enumerator; (d) the Census layout Map of the enumeration block; (d) the Abridged Houselist; and (e) acknowledgement slip booklets. Tehsil office (Charge center identified for Population Census in rural area) acts as main center for the enumeration team. The Enumerator along with the data entry operator makes door-to-door visits on each day. After the questionnaire  filled-in, the enumerator reads  the information given by respodent  and  gives a preprinted slip with signature of both the enumerator and data entry operator as token of his visit and asks to sign an acknowledgment slip.after all questionnaires enumerator saves the data.in each enumeration block charge office selects 10 percent household supervisory verification. After all data collection enumerator  saves file in sever in tehsil office. A Tehsildar or an officer appointed by government is the main incharge for data collection in server.  If the enumerator does not agree with the answers got by the respondent, the enumerator can separately note this along with the reason(s) for her/his disagreement in the text box/space provided for the purpose. 
information collected in rural area
1)occupation.
2)education 
3)disability
4)religion
5)SC/ST status
6)name of caste / tribe
7)employment
8)income and source income
9)assets
10)housing
11)consumer durable and non durable
12)land
                Post enumeration: according to manual provided  government for SECC After all data,  which got collected get converted in  draft list  prepared with all information in the survey questionnaire. Information on the person’s / household’s religion and caste/ tribe name will not get published until the process is complete.

·       1)  Panchayat Office
·       2)   Another prominent location in the Panchayat
·     3)    Office of the BDO.
 Claims and objection get accept if someone sent it by post or courier, if the identity of the complainant is legibly mentioned. SECC of some states are going on. some have completed.. list is given below.


Sr#
Name of State / Union Territories
Total EBs
EBs Enumerated
% of EBs Completed
EBs uploaded to NIC
% of EBs Uploaded to NIC
States where enumeration is completed
1
Puducherry
2,310
2,310
100.00%
2,062
89.26%
2
Diu & Daman
439
439
100.00%
409
93.17%
3
Dadra & N H
690
690
100.00%
690
100.00%
4
Chandigarh
2,067
2,067
100.00%
2,067
100.00%
5
Tripura
7,316
7,316
100.00%
7,313
99.96%
6
Haryana
49,261
49,261
100.00%
49,261
100.00%
7
Punjab
52,243
50,712
97.07%
50,712
97.07%
8
HimachalPradesh
25,036
25,036
100.00%
24,020
95.94%
9
Nagaland
4,078
4,078
100.00%
4,078
100.00%
10
Lakshadweep
117
117
100.00%
117
100.00%
11
Karnataka
1,26,925
1,26,925
100.00%
1,26,635
99.77%
12
Rajasthan
1,38,064
1,37,292
99.44%
1,37,156
99.34%
13
Gujarat
1,13,507
1,12,569
99.17%
1,12,569
99.17%
14
Arunchal Pradesh
6,791
6,791
100.00%
6,785
99.91%
15
Chhattisgarh
49,222
49,169
99.89%
49,167
99.89%
16
Jammu and Kashmir
25,200
25,159
99.84%
25,105
99.62%
17
A & N Islands
1,198
1,159
96.74%
1,159
96.74%
18
Sikkim
1,415
1,415
100.00%
1,384
97.81%
19
Kerala
68,363
68,363
100.00%
64,437
94.26%
20
Mizoram
2,301
2,234
97.09%
2,234
97.09%
21
Goa
3,166
3,166
100.00%
3,051
96.37%
22
Uttarakhand
27,878
27,797
99.71%
27,165
97.44%
23
Madhya Pradesh
1,56,486
1,56,344
99.91%
1,53,406
98.03%
24
Delhi
33,324
33,174
99.55%
32,875
98.65%
25
Andhra Pradesh
1,92,143
1,87,738
97.71%
1,81,508

94.47%


States where enumeration is in progress
26
Meghalaya
9,116
9,054
99.32%
8,963
98.32%
27
Tamilnadu
1,43,905
1,38,734
96.41%
1,32,354
91.97%
States where enumeration progress is slow
28
Assam
64,421
64,243
99.72%
64,008
99.36%
29
Maharashtra
2,22,601
2,04,844
92.02%
2,01,754
90.63%
30
West Bengal
1,78,293
1,69,292
94.95%
1,60,511
90.03%
31
Orissa
96,808
87,524
90.41%
84,222
87.00%
32
Jharkhand
71,719
53,338
74.37%
44,434
61.96%
33
Manipur
6,006
4,030
67.10%
3,328
55.41%
34
Bihar
2,05,859
88,276
42.88%
71,246
34.61%
35
U.P
3,94,253
2,01,662
51.15%
1,18,519
30.06%
Total
24,82,521
21,02,318
84.68%
19,54,704
78.74%
* Report Generated according to BEL consolidate report as on 08 Oct 2012




source:
* Supervisory manual of caste census 20 June 2012 , by govt. of India.
* socio economic caste census procedure, by rural govt. of India.
* PRC_Agenda_SECC15_16Oct2012 pdf file.(linkwww.rural.nic.in/sites/.../PRC_Agenda_SECC15_16Oct2012.pdf )